A record-setting subtractive numeral?

Normally I scoff at folks who are too quick to dismiss the Roman numerals as cumbersome or awkward. Any cultural thing that survives more-or-less intact for a couple millennia surely has some value for the people who use it. And no one at the time seems to have complained about the Roman numerals, even when other (Greek, Indian, Arabic) options were known. That pastime only came about in the 18th century, by which time the Roman numerals were already archaic.

But I’m willing to grant that the following inscription, from St. Nikolaus’ chapel in the cathedral at Aachen, tests my resilience on the point. I was recently on holiday in Europe and took the following photo a couple weeks ago:

Inscription in St. Nikolaus’ Chapel, Aachen, Germany, with the unusual use of IIIIIX for 5 in the year-date 1635

Right there in the middle, on the fourth line of the main text, appears to be a date of CIↃ.IↃ.CXXXIIIIIX. The first bits are just old-fashioned signs for M=1000 and D=500 (and I’ll transcribe them as such hereafter). The CXXX is straightforward as 130. But IIIIIX instead of V for 5 is a new one to me. Actually, it’s the only example of that anywhere that I know of. But the reading of 1635 is definitely right, from context, representing the year of the death of Goswin Schrick. So what’s going on?

We can rule out that the writer didn’t know the sign V for 5, which is elsewhere in the text. Theoretically, one might extend a line of text by using a longer form of a word or numeral than needed, but this text is full of abbreviations already, so it hardly seems likely that they’d have chosen this as the one place to conspicuously use a surfeit of signs. And I’ll just assure you that while IX was common, and IIX not too rare, and I even know of a couple where IIIX = 7, IIIIIX is a complete one-off (a hapax legomenon, if you want to be fancy about it).

The first trick is that the final X isn’t actually part of the numeral, but attaches to the following word ‘KAL’, which is an abbreviation for ‘kalendas’, or the calends of ‘Quinctilis’ which in this case is the fifth month of the Julian calendar, July. So the year is actually 1635, MDCXXXIIIII, X (10) before the calends of July, or June 21, 1635. I was pretty confused myself until I looked the inscription up and found it in the Deutsche Inschriften Online (DIO) here, which transliterates the relevant bit as “M. D. C. XXXIIIII. X. KAL(ENDAS) QVINCTILIS DEFVNCTO”.

Now that got me to thinking. The chapel was pretty dimly lit and the relevant part of the inscription is pretty high, and it’s not like tourists can just climb up on the furniture to get an ideal angle. But I don’t see anything like a punctus / dot between the IIIII and the X, and the professional photo at the DIO website agrees with me:

The same inscription, photographed in better light and angle, clearly showing XXXIIIIIX without interruption (source: https://www.inschriften.net/en/aachen-dom/inschrift/nr/di031-0132.html)

So we’ve reduced the problem a little, while introducing a new one. Now we just have M.D.CXXXIIIII, but that’s still an awfully weird way to write it, even if it’s not subtractive. So now we need to know why it’s not M.D.CXXXV. But we also need to know why there’s no space or delimiter between the IIIII and the following X. The punctus (‧ or .) was really common in medieval and early modern Roman numerals, as an aid to reading, sort of how we moderns use interdigital commas (1,000,000 vs. 1000000) to make reading easier. You see them in multiple places in this text. And it would be expected exactly where it’s missing, between the IIIII and the X.

Here’s my theory. You know how you forget what year it is, maybe when you’re writing a cheque or dating a form, especially in January, but really, any time of year when you’re tired? Imagine our beleaguered writer, unaware that their error is about to be recorded for all time, and happily chiselling away Is, four of them in fact (IIII and IV were both completely normal at the time, and we see XXXIIII later in the text to confirm it). You might even put a punctus (dot) or space between the XXXIIII and the following X – wouldn’t want to confuse anyone. But then it turns out that old Goswin didn’t die in 1634, and you have a problem. Now, if it were me, I might try to finagle my I into a V by adding a / on the right hand side, like how you change a D into an A on an errant report card:

Source: The Simpsons, S04E01 (https://frinkiac.com/caption/S04E01/377577)

But in this case, I think someone added a fifth I in the space before the X, or (if there was a punctus to begin with) turning the delimiting mark into an I. I think you can see in my photo (taken from below) that the fifth I looks a little bit different -the light shines differently against it. I suspect it was added in later to correct the date, but with the consequence that it ended up merging the sequence of Is with the X for the day. So what we’re seeing here is a scribal emendation that, unfortunately, solves the problem in a way that (I’ll grant) is pretty cumbersome.

Now here’s the kicker. I went to the cathedral at Aachen specifically to look for this inscription; my family thoughtfully tolerated my many quirks throughout the holiday, which involved taking photos of strange inscriptions while they looked at glorious architecture. But I had seen a description of this inscription in a 19th century book that (unlike the DIO, which got it right) bizarrely went even further, and put the date as 1634: M.D.CXXXIIIIIIX (!!!!!!), with six Is followed by an X. That, (un?)fortunately, seems to have been an error by the 19th century antiquarian. But for more on that error-prone scholar, and the broader Sooper Seekrit numerals project that was agglomerated into my European vacation, you’ll have to wait a bit longer. No more than IIIIIX weeks, I promise.

Language and Societies abstracts, vol. 16 (2025)

Once again, the awesome students in my Language and Societies graduate class here at Wayne State have done amazing scholarship this semester. Their research abstracts can be found at the course website of the same name, still running now after 16 years. I’m always proud of my folks, but I think this year they have outdone themselves – I expect to see a bunch of these presented out at conferences, submitted for the various student paper prizes, and (eventually) even in published form.

Comments on the individual abstracts from the community are welcome – the students are finalizing their papers over the next two weeks and at this critical juncture, the support of scholars interested in their areas of study is an important impetus for these early-career scholars.

Memes, genes, and screams: the semiotic underpinnings of Pontypool

Last night I had the opportunity to present our anthropology learning community the Canadian indie linguistics-themed horror film, Pontypool. As I was born a short drive from the central Ontario village of that name, where the film is set, I’ve always had a soft spot for the film, especially given that it is surely the best Canadian film of any genre to have an explicitly linguistic theme. Anyway, I think the students liked it! For those who may be interested, below is the text of the introduction I gave to the film, followed by the short talk I gave afterwards. It is a very simplified account of some ideas in cultural transmission and semiotics, because of time constraints and because there is no assumption that the attendees will have any background whatsoever. But I thought it might be interesting to some of you.

Introduction

The year is 1974.  A baby is born in the wilds of central Ontario, his wails giving no sign of his future.    The child, whose identity will soon be known to you, is raised in the shadow of the tiny village of Pontypool.

The year is 2008.  A perplexing film is born in the tradition of Canadian independent horror.  Its screenwriter, trained at the University of Toronto in semiotics and linguistics, spins a semiotic labyrinth wrapped in that same small town – the strange-yet-familiar streets of Pontypool.

The year is 2024.  A terrified gaggle of anthropology students congregates, unsure what to expect.  Their linguistics professor – who was once that very same baby at the beginning of the tale – tells them nothing, except this: shut up or die.  Prepare yourselves … for Pontypool, Pontypool, Pontypool… 

—Spoilers abound beyond this point! Venture no further if you are unprepared!—

Memes, Genes, and Screams: The Semiotic Underpinnings of Pontypool

Kill is kiss, kill is kiss, kill is kiss …

At the end of Pontypool, Grant Mazzy’s ‘cure’ for the virus affecting the English language leads us to reflect on the nature of linguistic meaning itself.  What does it mean to engage in this sort of linguistic transformation?  Tonight, I want to reflect on the ways that words mean things, what gives them their power or deprives them of power.

The central conceit of the film is that the English language has been affected by a virus, something injected into it to cause certain words to twist minds of speakers. These words worm their way into and infect the language, then infect the speakers themselves and turn them into languageless mindless creatures capable only of repetition (not unlike a speech disorder known as echolalia), and ultimately, the infected eat their way through the mouths of others.  

Pontypool offers an ironic commentary on the power of language and discourse to affect us, especially through the media. It is not a coincidence that it takes place in a radio station.  It reflects our inability to remain isolated from the influence of words and ideas that saturate our world. We literally cannot ‘shut up or die’. And yet, these terms of endearment: kiss, love – can we be truly human without them?

The pathologization and weaponization of language in Pontypool leads us to ask: in what ways are words like viruses, and in what ways not?  The ideas are somewhat evocative of those of biologist Richard Dawkins, whose 1976 book The Selfish Gene was one of the most important evolutionary theory texts of the 20th century.  Whereas earlier evolutionary theorists were mainly interested in the individual (organism) or population, Dawkins suggested that we should focus on replicators: things that reproduce and are transmitted, and thus, the focus in biology should be on genes. Dawkins then noted that not only genes replicate and transmit, but also ideas. Thus, he developed the concept of the meme as a unit of cultural replication and transmission, and memetics as the science of idea replication just as genetics is the science of biological replication.

Famously, the concept of a meme itself became a meme: today we know them as amusing Internet images that go ‘viral’ (a metaphor intentionally chosen) and that are supposed to spread unchecked, until eventually they become unfashionable and die out. But cultural transmission studies didn’t start with meme theory. Both in anthropology, studying the rise and fall of ideas or cultural ‘traits’, and in linguistics, the analysis of the spread of words and linguistic features, has a long history. 

The linguist Erev Lieberman and colleagues published a paper a few years ago on how irregular verbs change into regular ones. We might think of irregularity as cumbersome, and regularity as normal, but this study showed that in fact the most common verbs are most likely to be irregular and stay irregular: to be, to have, to go. Why? The answer, again, paralleling Pontypool, is repetition: we use them everyday, without thinking or needing to think about them, and everyone is exposed to these verbs hundreds of times a day. In contrast, the rarer an irregular verb, the more likely it is to become regular over time.  Take the verb strive: what is the past tense?  Strived or strove?   If you weren’t sure, you are not alone, in which case, your default might be to just pick the regular form.  Originally, strove was nearly universal, but over past 30 years, strived has become more and more common. Liberman predicts that it will take over, like an infection that comes into language, competes with strove and eventually becomes the standard. 

But what is a word anyway?  It is not just a series of sounds, or a set of letters, but a linguistic sign that has a specific meaning.  Here Pontypool leads us to reflect on the theory of signs outlined by the Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure in 1916. A sign consists of the signifier, the sounds of a word, an image, a representation, and the signified: the concept being represented.  A word has meaning, under this model, because the signifier and signified come together into a single sign.  This is a fundamental (if somewhat old-fashioned) insight of the discipline of semiotics, closely allied with both linguistics and anthropology, as the study of signs and their meanings.

We know this works because signifiers (such as spoken words) change their meanings all the time.  We know about semantic shifts: such as how awesome and awful have each meant ‘good’ and ‘bad’ at different times in their history, and are still changing their meanings today.  Pontypool builds on this idea in an inventive way explicitly with reference to language: through repetition, words gain new power over their speakers.  Thus the central line – the thesis, almost, of the film: “It is when the word is understood that the virus takes hold, and it copies itself in our understanding.”  Not the word alone, nor the understanding alone, but the word plus the understanding.

To change the meaning of ‘kill’ to ‘kiss’ is not preposterous.  Words change their meanings all the time.  Of course, mostly that is unconscious, but not inevitably: so, for instance, we have processes of linguistic reclamation where communities consciously choose to reclaim an existing slur or epithet in a new, more positive way.   The only implausibility of ‘kill is kiss’ is the idea that you could do it at a moment’s notice while in deadly peril. But the process is real: you assign old words new meanings because it’s not the signifier alone (the sounds of the word) that holds power, but only the word in combination with its signified (its meaning) that constitutes a sign.

But this highlights a serious critique of Dawkins’ memetic or viral theory of language or ideas, in which (at least in its simplest analysis) the external form is what matters.  The meme is not just a funny GIF image alone, but also the idea that spreads in association with it: signifier plus signified.   What may start as a harmless comic character can be virally loaded by the alt-right nationalists, imbuing the sign with an altogether unpredictable meaning.

If we think of a virus alone, or a word alone, without considering its reception in a vulnerable body or a vulnerable English speaker, we make a mistake.  What makes ‘kill’ or ‘sample’ or ‘breathe’ dangerous is not just the series of sounds – otherwise ‘kill is kiss’ does no good, in the movie or otherwise.  The power of Grant Mazzy’s incantation is that it changes the host – it inoculates them against the meanings of kill that are viral.  This criticism of meme theory is echoed by the cognitive anthropologist Dan Sperber who, in his book Explaining Culture,  notes that ideas are not transmitted from mind to mind unchanged, but are always affected by the experiences and mental representations of the speaker and hearer. 

The power of words is not inherent in the words themselves, or in the pure world of ideas, but only in their use by speakers to mean particular things in particular contexts.  Not only is this a fundamental insight to the discipline of semiotics, but it should also be a point well taken in the current political climate.  A theory that does not consider the power of users of language and culture to repurpose and reconceptualise words is deeply incomplete.  The wisdom of Pontypool is that ‘kill is kiss’ is not just a slogan, but a profound semiotic insight.  And with that, I want to conclude by thanking the Anthropology Learning Community for this opportunity to share these few words and ideas with you, and wish you luck on your exams, exams, exams, exams, exams …

Lieberman, Erez, et al. “Quantifying the evolutionary dynamics of language.” Nature 449.7163 (2007): 713-716.

Dawkins, Richard. The Selfish Gene. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976.

Sperber, Dan. Explaining Culture: A Naturalistic Approach. Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1996.

Saussure, Ferdinand. Cours De Linguistique Générale. Lausanne: Payot, 1916.

What Might Have Been, a new embuggerance

Almost fifteen years ago now (which doesn’t seem possible, but the timestamp doesn’t lie) I achieved a very, very minor form of Internet fame by discovering and naming a feisty embuggerance: a Google Scholar search result that is embuggered by the automatic metadata extraction. This one was so thoroughly embuggered that it took a four-word sequence (Embuggerance, Escalate, Feisty, Holistic) from an unrelated article, reimagined it as the name of two authors for a book review on the same page, and hence: Embuggerance, E., and H. Feisty. 2008. The linguistics of laughter. English Today 1, no. 04: 47-47. Sure enough, it’s still there, all these years later. It’s just a thing that happens sometimes with automation, not a fatal flaw with Google Scholar or anything like that.

Just today I encountered another similarly-embuggered authorship:

Been, What Might Have. “5Uyaqum Igai, An Indigenous Yugtun Writing System.” Exploring and Expanding Literacy Histories of the United States: A Spotlight on Under-Recognized Histories (2024).

Part of me wishes there were some neo-Puritan naming practice so that there could actually be a What-might-have Been out there writing articles. But it is probably fairer to the actual authors, Phyllis Morrow, Casey Jack, Montana Murphy and Joevahnta Usugan-Weddington, who are discussing the history of the Yugtun / Yup’ik writing system used in southwestern Alaska. In fact, however, it’s just part of the subtitle of the article: “What Was and What Might Have Been”. Poor Dr. Was didn’t even get a credit this time, leaving Dr. Been as the sole attributed author.

Incidentally, the 5 at the start of the title is a different kind of error – it’s the chapter number, appended wrongly in the actual printed text to the name of the writing system, Uyaqum Igai, which was named after its inventor, Uyaquq.

An example of the Lord’s Prayer in Uyaqum Igai

Language and Societies abstracts, vol. 15 (2024)

The abstracts below are summaries of papers by early-career scholars from the 2024 edition of my course, Language and Societies. The authors are undergraduate and graduate students in anthropology and linguistics at Wayne State University. Comments and questions are extremely welcome, especially at this critical juncture, when the authors are making final revisions to their papers.

Karsten Allendorfer: Language, Cognition, and Hallucination: How Reddit Posts Offer Insight into the Social Realities of Life with Hallucinogen Persisting Perception Disorder

Ehimare Arhebamen: Can multilingual singers’ ability to sing bilingually be affected by their indigenous tongue?

Joy Barksdale: The Historical and Analytic Origin Story of Japanese Writing

Angela Boyd: An Analytic Comparison of Two Debates on Fanon versus Canon

Jayme Brown: Animals, babies, friends: Examining human-dog communication and its implications for understanding what it means to be family

Adam Conigliaro: American Prisoners and their Linguistic Freedoms: Use of Metaphors to Survive

Patrick L. Dear: Decoding Migrant Hieroglyphics or Drifter Language: An Anthropological Analysis

Brittney Eastin: Creating Calm: Cold War Era Public Messaging from the Civil Defense Agency

Aleah N. Edwards: Multimodality as a form of developing literacy in children’s museums

Dustin Elias: The Social Context of the Development of the Proto-Canaanite/Proto-Sinaitic Alphabet from Egyptian Ancestors

Yoel Gonzalez: Limited Sovereigns: An Analysis of the US Federal Government’s Actions Towards Indigenous Sovereignty Through a Rhetorical Imperialistic Lens

Julie Julison: Entovegan: Evaluating the Potential Hopping Success or Bust in the Discourse of Foodways

Brianna LeBlanc: Historic Horsepower: A Linguistic Analysis of Horses in Detroit

Gabriela Lloyd Pérez: Will Subtitles Suffice? An Exploration of Spanish to English T/V Pronoun Translation in Modern Television

Kellan McNally: Less is more: Argumentation for preserving disabled workers’ subminimum pay

Kayleigh Reimueller: Welcome to Mogwarts: The Language of Looksmaxxing

Ana Saenz: Pets or Pests? How Linguistic Terminology and Discourse Affects the Perception of American Mustangs

Niyaz Najm Salih: Examining the United States’ Role in the Turkish Incursion into Kurdish Territories in Rojava in 2019: A Critical Discourse Analysis Study

Cheyenne Taylor: Serving Cunt: An Ethnographic Analysis of Online Queer Profanity Use

Ricky Underwood: A Linguistic Analysis of Handheld AI Assistants: What is “Natural Speech”?

Mariana Villegas Venegas: Is Variation in Pronoun Usage in Caribbean and Mexican Spanish Contact-driven or Dialectal Preference? 

Peter Zillmann: The Pragmatics of Credential Phishing Email Scams